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Mediaeval Battles

within the boundaries of Elmet.

Last updated 21/07/2004

Contents

Battle of Bramham Moor 1408

Battle of Wakefield 1460

Battle of Ferrybridge 1461

Battle of Towton 1461

mediaeval, medieval, battle, battles, Towton, Sandal, Pontefract, castle, Lancastrian, Yorkist, Bramham, castles, Palm Sunday Field, wars, Plantagenet, Plantagenets, Tudor, Tudors, war, wars, warfare, archery, Clifford, Knights, longbow, sword, history, culture, loodiest, Wakefield, Leeds, Ferrybridge,

Recommendations would be:-

Blood Red Roses - The archaeology of a mass grave from the Battle of Towton

Sutherland - Fiorato - Boylston - Knusel

The Mediaeval Soldier - Embleton & Howe

Death & Dissent - Two 15th Century Chronicles - Lister M Matheson

Chronicles of the Wars of the Roses - Elizabeth Hallam

The Wars of the Roses - Bruce Webster

(Artwork generously contributed by Roel Renmans )

mediaeval, medieval, battle, battles, Towton, Sandal, Pontefract, castle, Lancastrian, Yorkist, Bramham, castles, Palm Sunday Field, wars, Plantagenet, Plantagenets, Tudor, Tudors, war, wars, warfare, archery, Clifford, Knights, longbow, sword, history, culture, dead, bloodiest, Wakefield, Leeds, Ferrybridge,

The Battle of Haslewood and the Death of the Earl of Northumberland

by William Grainge 1854.

Never was the career of high-blown, disappointed ambition more fully exhibited than in the series of rebellions instigated and partly conducted by the Earl of Northumberland, and his brave, noble, rash, noble and unfortunate son, Hotspur, during the reign of Henry IV and which were finally supressed with the death of Northumberland and his accomplices, on Bramham Moor, near Haslewood Castle in the year 1408.

For the origin of these contests we must go back to the deposition of the imbecile king Richard II; or, for the earlier seeds, further back still, even to the "fatal lists" pitched at Coventry, where Henry, Earl of Hereford, received sentence of banishment for ten years from the mouth of his sovereign, which term he afterwards shortened.

"Four lagging winters, and four wanton springs."

But Henry did not think to continue on exile the remaining six years. The sentence was pronounced in 1398; in the beginning of the next year, his father, "time-honoured Gaunt" Duke of Lancaster, died, when Henry requested to be put into posseion of his estates and inheritance; this was refused by the King, who unjustly seized the whole, and held it to his own use; and other insults and provocations were inflicted, both against the banished earl, and on the highly irritated people of England. Henry, knowing the temper of the times, embarked at Nantz with a retinue of sixty persons, and landed at Ravenspurne in Yorkshire, where he was joined by the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, two of the most potent nobles then in England, Henry Percy, son of the former, the Lords Roos and Willoughby, and other chiefs "of following and fame". Henry soon appeared before Hull, and demanded admittance, but being resolutely refused, retired to Doncaster. There he took a solemn oath, that he had no other purpose in his invasion than to recover the Duchy of Lancaster, unjustly withheld from him; and invited all his friends in England, and all lovers of their country, to second him in his just and modest pretentions. Every place was in commotion, and Henry soon found himself at the head of an army of 60,000 men.

This was the beginning of the fatal quarrel that drenched England with blood for a century afterwards. At this time King Richard was absent in Ireland, and only returned to find his power and kingdom in possession of another: he was deposed, imprisoned, and soon after put to death; some say by hunger; others, that he was murdered, after a gallant resistance, in Pontefract Castle, by Sir Piers Exton and his followers. Thus Henry, instead of Duke of Lancaster, became King of England, to the prejudice of the rightful heir, Edmund, Earl of March, and quickly found that his usurped throne was but a bed of thorns; his whole reign was a series of conspiracy and rebellion. The nobles who had lifted him to this high station, obeyed with reluctance the king they had made; the smallest opposition to their wills was construed into ingratitude, and they who had made the king wished to rule the kingdom. The first open quarrel with the Percies of Northumberland arose about some prisoners, which they had taken from the Scots at the Battle of Holmedon Hill, consisting of the prime of the Scottish nobility and warriors. When Henry received news of this victory he sent the Earl of Northumberland orders not to ransom his prisoners, which that nobleman regarded as his right, according to the laws of war received in that age. The King intended to detain them, that by that means he might be better able to make an advantageous peace with Scotland. By this policy he gave great disgust to the Percy family; the obligations under which the King lay towards them, were of a kind not likely to conduce to lasting amity; the former was naturally jealous of the power which had raised him to the throne, and the latter considered all honours and indulgences their due; and any opposition to their will was as an ungrateful insult. They already envied the greatness of Henry, and this last demand of the prisoners fanned the flame of discontent into open rebellion. Though they did not refuse positively to comply with the order, they only sent one of them, Mordake, Earl of Fife, although repeatedly ordered to send the others, and threatened with the king's displeasure in case of refusal.    Northumberland, more prudent, would have avoided a direct rupture, but the impatient and impetuous spirit of Harry Percy, and the factious disposition of Thomas, Earl of Worcester, "whose study was ever to procure malice and set things in a broil," at once by their hasty measures precipitated a rebellion. They demanded of the king, that he should ransom Sir Edmund Mortimer, who had been taken prisoner by Owen Glendour, Prince of Wales.   This Henry refused to do, when Harry Hotspur is said to have exclaimed, "Behold the heir of the realm is robbed of his right, and yet the robber with his own will not redeem him!"   This produced an open rupture; and the aim of the Percies was now to dethrone Henry, and make the Earl of March king in his stead. For this purpose they entered into an alliance with the brave Earl Douglas, who was one of their prisoners, and also with 'the magician' Glandour, one of the most accomplished warriors and politicians of his time, whose aim was to reign an independant Prince in Wales. Forces were quickly mustered on both sides; and the first head of rebellion led by Harry Hotspur, his uncle Worcester, and the brave Douglas, was, after a tremendous contest, crushed at the battle of Shrewsbury. In this engagement the 'never daunted Percy' was slain by an unknown hand, the Earl of Worcester was taken prisoner, and shortly afterwards beheaded; Glendour's forces could not arrive in time; Northumberland was either sick, or feigned to be so, and was not present at the battle; he however levied an army, when hearing the fatal news from Shrewsbury, and being opposed by the earl of Westmoreland, he dismissed his forces, and came with a small retinue to York, to meet the King. He pretended that his sole intention in arming was to mediate between the parties. Henry thought proper to accept this apology, and even granted him a pardon for his offences.  Though he had thus been pardoned, Northumberland knew that he should never be trusted, and that he was too powerful to be ever cordially forgiven, especially by a prince whose situation gave him such reasonable grounds for jealousy. We can only consider this agreement as springing from craft on one side, and policy on the other; the earl yielded because he could not successfully rebel - the King pardoned   because it was not then convenient to punish; and Northumberland may be said to have been "even in penance planning sins anew".

................to be continued.................

Yorkshire Battles - Edward Lamplough 1891

BATTLE OF BRAMHAM MOOR.

A.D. 1408.

In I387 the Barons of England deprived King Richard of the reins of government, and impeached his friends, the Archbishop of York, the Duke of Ireland, the Earl of  Suffolk, Sir Robert Tresilian, and Sir Nicholas Brember. Brember and Tresilian were publicly executed, the others secured their safety by flight.
Years passed, and Richard recovered his authority, when he punished the lords appellant, sparing only his cousin Hereford and the Duke of Norfolk. Some conversation appears to have passed between these nobles, and Hereford accused Norfolk of having expressed his suspicion that Richard would yet revenge himself upon them for their past offence, and especially for the affair of "Radcot Bridge," when the Duke of Ireland's forces were dispersed.
Norfolk denied the charge, and the King permitted the quarrel to be decided by wager of
battle. The 29th of April, 1398, was appointed for the trial; the place, Coventry. The noble- men had put spurs to their horses, when Richard, under the advice of his council, stopped the combat, and banished the offenders-as guilty of treason. Norfolk's sentence was for life; Hereford's for ten years. .
The Londoners were incensed at losing their favourite, Hereford, and when his father, the aged John of Gaunt, died on the Christmas following his son's banishment, and Richard seized his estates, the general indignation was extreme; for the King had granted legal instruments to both the exiles, securing. to them any inheritance which might fall to them.
In face of the gathering storm Richard sailed
for Ireland. On the 4th July, 1399, three small ships entered the Humber, and Hereford, attended by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Fitz-Allan, son of the late Earl of Arundel, a few servitors, and fifteen men-at-arms, landed at Ravenser Spurn.
Shut out of Hull, he was met at Doncaster by the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, who espoused his cause, affecting to believe his assertion that he had returned to claim the estates of his father.
King Richard threw himself into Conway Castle, and Northumberland induced him to leave his refuge, to make terms with Hereford. Drawn into an ambush, Richard was delivered into his cousin's hands. Northumberland had sworn on the sacramental elements to keep faith with the King, and Richard thus reproached him, on the moment of his seizure, "May the God on whom you laid your hand reward you and your accomplices at the last day."
On the 1st of October, the day following his coronation, Henry IV. signed a licence for Matthew Danthorpe, a hermit. who had welcomed him at Ravenser Spurn, granting him permission to erect a hermitage and chapel on that desolate place.
Richard was imprisoned, and expired in a dungeon of Pontefract Castle, but whether by stroke of Sir Piers Exton's axe, or broken down by famine, matters not now.
Northumberland was honoured by the dignity of Constable of England, and at the coronation bore a naked sword on the King's right hand. He was further guerdoned by a grant of the Isle of Man.

On the 7th of May, 1402, the Percies defeated Earl Douglas at the battle of Homildon, inflicting a heavy loss upon the Scots, and. capturing Douglas; Murdoch, son of the Duke of Albany, and other captains to the total sum of eighty.
King Henry forbade the ransoming of the prisoners, an interference which aroused the bitter wrath of the Percies. As though in mockery of their pride, he bestowed upon them the Scottish estates of the Douglas, and ordered them to abstain from ransoming Sir Edward Mortimer, Hotspur's brother-in-law, who had fallen into the hands of Owen Glendower, the Welsh patriot.
These impositions of the royal commands resulted in the revolt of the Percies. The Scotch prisoners were released, and assisted the Percies in the field. The captive Mortimer married Glendower's daughter, and drew that chieftain into the conspiracy. The lineal heir to the throne was Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March. Him Northumberland proposed to raise to the throne, virtually partitioning the kingdom between the Percies, Mortimers, and Glendower.
The revolt came to the issue of battle at Shrewsbury, on the 21st July, 1403, when Percy and Douglas penetrated the centre of the royal army, and Hotspur, casting up the ventaille of his helmet, was shot in the brain by an arrow, and fell in the press. The victorious advance was turned into a rout. Of Prince Henry, it is written: "The prince that daie holpe his father like a lustie young gentleman."
Northumberland was marching to join his sons, but retired into Warkworth Castle on receiving the news of their defeat. The King, either from fear or policy, condoned his part in the revolt.
When the Archbishop of York, Richard Scrope, took up arms in 1405, the Earl was implicated in his revolt. Sir John Falcon berg had raised the banner of revolt in Cleveland, but Prince John and the Earl of Westmoreland had defeated the rebels. The Archbishop's army was so strong, for it had been augmented by Lord Bardolph and Thomas, Lord Mowbray, that the royal captains resorted to treaty, and induced the Archbishop to disband his army. No sooner was this done than the leaders of the revolt were arrested.

The Archbishop of York, Lord Mowbray, Sir John Lamplugh, Sir Robert Plumpton, and several other unfortunates, were put upon their trial, and condemned to death. On the 8th June the Archbishop of York was executed at his palace of Bishopthorpe, and his head, with that of Mowbray, was piked and exposed on York walls. The city of York was heavily fined, and the King proceeded to Durham, where he executed Lords Hastings and Fauconbridge, and Sir John Griffith.
Northumberland, "with three hundred horse, got him to Berwike," but on the King's advance passed into Scotland, accompanied by Lord Bardolph.
After brief exile, the end came. " The earle of Northumberland, and the lord Bardolfe, after they had been in Wales, in France, and Flanders to purchase aid against King Henrie, were returned backe into Scotland, and had remained there now for the space of a whole yeare: and as their evill fortune would, while the King held a councill of the nobilitie at London, the saide earle of Northumberland and lord Bardolfe, in a dismall houre, with a great power of Scots returned into England, recovering diverse of the earle's castels and seigneories, for the people in great numbers resorted unto them. Hereupon encouraged with hope of good successe, they entered into Yorkshire, and there began to distroie the countrie."

The Sheriff of Yorkshire, Sir Thomas Rokeby, is stated to have lured the old warrior to his doom. Sir Nicholas Tempest reinforced him at Knaresborough, and the little army crossed the Wharfe at Wetherby. They had achieved a succession of trifling successes, but now Sir Thomas Rokeby interposed his forces, cut off their retreat, and compelled them to give battle, on the 28th February, 1408, on Bramham Moor, near Hazlewood.
They were brave men who thus stood opposed. Northumberland's troops were incited by their dangerous position, by the hope of recovering their lost possessions, and by their hatred of the King. On the other hand, the royalists were anxious to gain the honours and rewards which princes bestow.
The Sheriff was not slack to close, but advanced his standard of St. George, and sounded the charge, as Northumberland bore down upon him with his lances, doing battle once more beneath his banner, that displayed the proud emblazonments of the house of Percy.
The onset was fierce and bloody. Lances shivered to splinters; men went down in their blood, wounded and dying; riderless horses burst from the press, and wildly galloped over the moor. Lances were cast aside, as knights and men-at- arms fell-to with sword, and mace, and axe, testing mail, smashing shield and casque, and finding and bestowing wounds and death despite of guarding weapons and tempered plate-mail.
The archers were fiercely at work, pouring their long shafts upon the rear ranks; the footmen face to face with the wild play of deadly bill and thrust of pike. Morions were cleft, corsets pierced, and men fell thick and fast. The battle was hotly maintained, but for a short time, the insurgents being sorely over-matched. Northumberland fell never to rise again until rough hands stripped off his mail, and held him for the butcher's work of headsman's axe and knife. There ended Lord Bardolph's many troubles, as he fell, a sorely wounded and dying man, into the Sheriff's hands. The leaders fallen, no further object for contention remained to the rebels, and the defeat was complete and irretrievable. The tragedy of the battlefield had to be concluded by the rush of the pursuers, eager to maim and slay; and by the useless rally of defeated men, turning fiercely at bay, to claim blood for blood and life for life; and, alas, by the seizure of flying men, doomed

to rope and axe in reguerdon of their last act of vassalage to the devoted house of Northumberland.
The Earl's head, "full of silver horie hairs, being put upon a stake, was openly carried through London, and set upon the bridge of the same citie : in like manner was the lord Bardolfe's. The bishop of Bangor was taken and pardoned by the King, for that when he was apprehended, he had no armour on his backe. The King, to purge the North parts of all rebellion, and to take order for the punishment of those that were accused to have succoured and assisted the Earl of Northumberland, went to Yorke, where, when many were condemned, and diverse put to great fines, and the countrie brought to quietnesse, he caused the abbot of Hailes to be hanged, who had been in armour against him with the foresaid earle."

So, after his treacheries, his aspiring ambitions, the once puissant Earl of Northumberland was brought as low as Richard of Bordeaux when he lay upon his bier at St. Paul's, his set and rigid face, bared from eyebrows to chin, for the inspection of the Londoners, and, in its surrounding swathing of grave-clothes, in its dreadful emaciation, eloquent of the unrecorded tragedy of secret murder.
A grant of the manor of Spofforth, a former possession of the slain Earl, rewarded the loyalty of Sir Thomas Rokeby.
In the reign of Henry V., an attempt was again made to restore the lineal heir to the throne, an augury of the War of the Roses commenced in his son's reign. The Earl of Marche, the object of the conspiracy, himself betrayed it to the King. Henry, whose assassination had been planned, took immediate revenge upon the principal offenders, Richard, Earl of Cambridge, Lord Scroop of Masham, and Sir Thomas Grey. They were executed at Southampton, on the 13th of August, 1415, at the moment when the royal fleet was sailing from the harbour to add the terrors of invasion to unhappy France, then suffering from internecine strife.
There is an old tradition that on the day of Agincourt the shrine of St. John of Beverley exuded blood, and when King Henry was in Yorkshire he naturally paid his devotions at the shrine. He was accompanied by his Queen; and it was at this time that he received the sad news of the death of his brother Clarence at Beauje. The Duke was dashing over the narrow bridge when the charging Scots burst upon him; Sir John Carmichael shivered his lance upon the Duke's corset, Sir John Swinton smote him in the face, and, as he dropped from the saddle, the Earl of Buchan, with one blow of a mace, or " steel hammer," dashed out his brains.

Wakefield 1460

A great work by Graham Turner - just click on the image to go to his website.

From Yorkshire Dictionary 1822:
Wakefield and Sandal
In 1460, a bloody battle was fought at this place between Richard,
Duke of York, and Margaret,[Lancastrian] the Queen of Henry VI.  The Duke had not been in his Castle of Sandal with his men, more than two days before the Queen approached, at the head of 18,000 men [some say 20,000], and much sooner than the Duke expected.
[Richard Duke of York had declared himself king and entered Sandal Castle on December 21st  with a force estimated to be around 3000 to 5000 men]
She appeared before the Castle with a small party of her army,
and tauntingly upbraided him with being afraid to face a woman.  Her insults repeated, the Duke could refrain no longer, but four days after his arrival,drew up his men upon the Green facing Wakefield, and after marching a little way down the hill, the battle began.
It should seem that two detachments were sent to lie in ambush to attack the Duke in the rear.  It is, however, certain that the Duke was deceived in the number of the Queen's troops.
The ambush parties were commanded by the Earl of Wiltshire, and Lord Clifford.   These two parties attacking the Duke on the right and left at the same moment, quickly surrounded him.  The battle lasted half an hour, and it is probable that the Duke was killed, about 400 yards from the Castle, by Clifford who had sworn destruction to every member of the House of York.  He, however, cut off the Duke's head when slain, placed on it a paper crown, and carried it on a pole to the Queen, who, rejoicing as much as himself, caused it to be placed on the walls of York.  In this fatal conflict fell Sir John and Sir Hugh Mortimer, the Duke's uncles, Sir David Hall, Sir Hugh Hastings, Sir Thomas Neville, and about 2800 men.  The Earl of Salisbury, Sir Richard Limbric, and others, were taken prisoners and beheaded, and their heads placed on Micklegate Bar, York.   --Hall --Holingshed --Rapin.

The Earl of Rutland [Edmund, Richard of York's son], a child of 12 years old, probably remained in the Castle with his tutor, Mr. Aspell; but when the battle was lost, he fled for safety, without knowing wither to fly.   The savage Clifford had intelligence; in a fright the child ran into the house of an old woman, near the bridge, begging protection, which the woman durst not grant.   He then hastened down a footpath, by the river side; the furious Clifford overtook him and his tutor.  The child fell on his knees, wrung his hands, but could not speak.  The tutor begged for mercy to the child, but the monster, with more than savage ferocity, stabbed him to the heart.  The place where he fell is called The Fallings.
Edmund's head, as with his father's was placed on the walls of York

Edward IV. in commemoration of this battle, erected a beautiful
little Chapel upon the bridge, in which, two priests sung requiems for the souls of the slain.  The Chapel is ten yards long, and six yards wide.  One end of the building constitutes part of the bridge.  It is three stories high, and has nine rooms, three on each floor.  On the outside is curious Gothic work, but some of it is gone to decay.  The front is divided into compartments, with arches in relief; their spandrils are richly flowered, and over each compartment, are five shorter ones, with historical relics.
In one is a woman reclined, lamenting a youth, who, at her feet, sits wringing his hands:  this is probably the Earl of Rutland, begging protection of the old woman at the foot of the bridge.  The buttresses are beautifully carved, the windows have a rich tracery, and the whole has a charming effect.   Since the priests left it, the place has often changed its use.  --Hutton.
The Wakefield Manor Estates remained in the hands of the house of the Plantagenet kings with occasional intervals of forfeiture in civil war until the murder of the youthful Richard Duke of York and his brother Edward V ("The Princes in the Tower") when King Richard lost his life and the English crown at The Battle of Bosworth Field.
The Dukedom of York and that of Lancaster passed to Henry VII

-------------------------

Battles and Battlefields of Yorkshire

William Grange 1854

~

THE crown acquired for the family of Lancaster, by the usurpation of Henry IV. was not long held by it in peace: his warlike son, the conqueror of France, 'the hero of Agincourt, was hurried to the grave in the midst of his victorious career, leaving a son but nine months old to succeed to the kingdom of England, and the conquests in France. The son inherited none of his father's warlike disposition, or energy of character; being, as was truly said of him, "fitter for a monk than a king;" and verifying the adage, "woe be to the nation whose king is a child." Faction broke out among the nobility at home: the famous Joan of Arc, the maid of Orleans, appeared, and the con- quests in France were lost. The imbecile king was the creature of favourites, and the weak instrument of another's will, not unfrequently governed and kept in subjection by his proud imperious wife, Margaret of Anjou.
During the relgn of a weak king, England was always torn in pieces by faction and rebellion; as the incapacity of Henry was well known, a new claimant for the crown appeared in the person of Richard, duke of York, whose title was derived from the duke of Clarence, second son of Edward III thus, standing plainly in the order of succession before that of the reigning monarch, who was descended from the duke of Lancaster, third son of the same king.
Such had been the misgovernment of the favourites of Henry, that the nation was ripe for revolt. The revenues of the crown had been extremely dilapidated during the king's minority both by the rapacily of the courtiers which his uncles could not control, and the expenses of the French war, which parliament with prudent economy, as well as good policy, had not been very eager to maintain by the requisite grants, The royal demesnes were dissipated, and the king loaded with an immense debt, which parliament could never think of discharging. This unhappy situation of affairs forced the ministers upon arbitrary measures. The right of purveyance, for the maintenance of the royal household, was carried to such an extent as to become a kind of universal robbery on the people, and the public clamours rose high on the occasion. The duke of Suffolk, the king's favourite minister, become hateful to the people, was charged with the whole blame: he was impeached by the Commons, and by way of compromise, banished by the king. In order to make sure that he should never more return to England, and the queen's favour, his enemies engaged the captain of a vessel to intercept his passage into France. He was taken near Dover, and without any trial or ceremony, his head was 8truck off by the side of a long boat, and his body thrown into the sea. Such was the lawless state of the country . at that time, that the murderers were never so much as inquired after. Such proceedings give us an idea of the deplorable state of the kingdom in the vaunted days of old; for if the nobles were thus treated, how would the common people be ?
The most fatal blow to the safety of the crown was given some time previously, by the assassination of the virtuous duke of Gloucester, who was one of the firmest props of the throne, and also much loved and respected by the' people, for his gentleness and wisdom. So foul a crime 'cast odium on all who were concerned in it.; and as the duke of Suffolk was known to have had a hand in the crime, he partook deeply of the odium attached to it. As he was prime minister, and favourite with the queen, by necessary consequence, the reigning family became deeply implicated in the guilt of this horrible and imprudent crime; being thus guilty of the blackest ingratitude, and the grossest impolicy, for in "the good duke Humphrey" they lost a supporter whose aid they were soon to need.
An insurrection of the commons of Kent succeeded, under the leadership of Jack Cade, which was quelled; but not without much trouble, and great effusion of blood. However it served to show the popular feeling, and the ill regard in which the king and his courtiers were. held by the people. Some say this movement was instigated by the duke of York, as a trial of the temper of the times; he however derived no present benefit from it, and was then absent in Ireland. On his return home, the court showed its weakness and fear, by issuing orders in the king's name, for opposing him and debarring his entrance into England. The duke refuted the calumnies of his enemies by coming, attended with no more than his ordinary retinue; and the needless precaution only served to show their jealousy and malignity against him. He was sensible that his title, by being dangerous to the king, was also become dangerous to himself; and he was thus taught that he must either strike for the crown, or be struck down himself. The" whole kingdom was soon divided into parties, as inclination, kindred, or interest swayed the powerful nobles; and it soon became apparent that arms alone must decide the contest. The tempers of both parties were irritated almost as high as they could be without coming to blows, by the arguments and appeals of the rival pretenders. Parliament, in a session holden in 1451, showed the enmity of the kingdom against the court, by presenting a petition, praying the king to remove from 'his councils, the duke of Somerset, who had succeeded Suffolk as minister, the duchess of Suffolk, the bishop of Chester, and many others. The king durst not openly refuse, and it was both against his will and interest to comply; so he adopted the common expedient of weak minds, falsehood and evasion; Somerset was not dismissed from the council. The first armament was in 1452, when the duke of York marched to London at the head of
10,000 men, demanding a reformation of the government, and the removal of Somerset from all power and authority; when he found the gates of the city shut against him, and on retiring into Kent, was followed by the king at the head of a superior force. An accommodation was however effected; a kind of hollow truce, a peace, every moment liable to be broken, was made; for though both parties were wishful to proceed to extremities, yet both were afraid to strike the first blow.

In 1454, Somerset was sent to the tower, and the duke of York was appointed lieutenant of the kingdom, with power to open, and hold a session of parliament. That assembly also, taking into consideration the state of the king, and kingdom, created the duke protector during pleasure. Men who thus entrusted sovereign authority to one, who had such evident and strong pretensions to the crown, were not surely averse to his taking immediate and full possession of it. Yet, such was his moderation, that he desired it might be recorded in parliament, that this authority was thus conferred on him from their own free motion, without any application on his part; he expressed hopes that they would assist him in the exercise of it. He made it a condition of his acceptance, that the other lords who were to be of his council, should also accept of the trust, and should exercise it, and he required that all the powers of his office should be specified and defined by act of parliament. This moderation shows the character of the duke in a very amiable light, and that he was not desirous of pushing his claim to its full extent, when he had such a very favourable opportunity; but that the good government of the country was more the object of his solicitude than his own personal aggrandizement. Yet, it had perhaps been for the benefit of the nation, had he at once proceeded to take possession of both the name and power of king, and prevented that effusion of blood, which for thirty years afterwards, deluged this unhappy country; A sudden turn in the state of affairs in the following year restored  Somerset to authority; and Henry was so far recovered from a more than ordinary fit of imbecility, that he was capable of assuming the appearance of some- thing like royalty.
The first blood shed in this fatal quarrel was at St. Albans, on the 22nd of May, 1455, in which encounter the duke's party, styled Yorkists, had the advantage, and without suffering any material loss, slew about 5,000 of their enemies; among whom were the duke of Somerset,
the earl of Northumberland, the earl of Stafford, eldest son of the duke of Buckingham, lord Clifford, with many other persons of distinction; the king himself fell into their hands, and was treated with great respect and tenderness, yet, he was obliged to commit the whole authority of the crown into the hands of his rival. So very little was the duke disposed to push his claim, that, did not the general tenor of his conduct contradict it, we might suppose him possessed of a little of his rival's incapacity. In a parliament held the following year, Henry was produced before the lords by his queen, when he declared his intentions of resuming the government, and of putting an end to the duke's authority. This measure was passed without opposition; even the duke acquiescing in the act, and no disturbance ensued. But the breach between the parties was becoming wider and the implacable resentments of the great families of that age, and the spirit of revenge cherished by them rendered the arbitration of the sword inevitable.

The moderation of the duke, and the imbecility of the king, had some check upon the violent passions of their partisans. Yet such was the inflammable state of both parties, that the slightest spark, was sufficient to kindle the mass into a flame; and this quickly took place; one of the king's retinue having insulted a retainer of the earl of Warwick, a partisan of the house of York, their companions on both sides took part in the quarrel, and a fierce combat ellilued. Both parties, in every county in England, openly made preparations for deciding the contest by war and arms. The battle of Bloreheath was fought September 23rd, 1459; in which the Yorkists were victorious. Another battle was fought at Northampton, in which victory again favoured the white rose of York; king Henry was again taken prisoner, and treated with great respect and reverence by his captors. The same year, in parliament,. the duke laid formal claim to the crown, deducing his title, as before mentioned, from Lionel, duke of Clarence. His moderation, or irresolution again, only prompted him to half measures ; he advanced towards the throne, expecting to be invited by the assembled peers to take his seat upon it; instead of which, they maintained a sullen silence, not choosing to do for him what he did not dare to do for himself. The question was afterwards solemnly discussed by parliament, and their sentence was calculated to please both parties; Henry was to possess the crown for the remainder of his life, and Richard, as his title was certain and indefeasible, was to inherit it after his death; but the administration of the government was in the meantime to remain in the hands of the duke; who was acknowledged the true and lawful heir to the sovereignty; and everyone should swear to maintain his succession; that it should be treason to attempt his life; and that all former' settlements of the crown, during this and the two last reigns, should be abrogated and rescinded. The duke acquiesced in this decision; Henry being a prisoner, could not oppose it, and the act passed with the unanimous consent of the legislative body. The chief obstacle to this peaceful settlement of affairs was queen Margaret, a woman of a masculine genius, and high spirit; but at the same time ambitious, haughty, cruel; blood-thirsty, and entirely destitute of the gentler virtues of her sex. The duke, apprehending danger from her presence in England, sought a pretence for banishing her the kingdom; he sent her, in the king's name a summons to come immediately to London; intending, in case of disobedience, to proceed to extremities against her. Margaret needed not this menace to excite her activity in defending the rights of her family: After the defeat at Northampton, she had fled with her infant son to Durham, thence into Scotland; but soon returning, she applied to the northern barons, and employed every argument to procure their assistance. Her affability, insinuation, and address, qualities in which she excelled; her caresses and presence had a powerful effect on all who approached her. The admiration of her .great qualities was succeeded by compassion for her helpless condition: the nobility of that quarter, who regarded themselves as the most warlike in the kingdom, were moved with indignation to find the southern barons pretend to settle the government. That they might the better allure the people to their standard, they promised them the spoils of all the provinces south of the Trent. By these means an army was assembled 20,000 strong, with a celerity that surprised. both friends and. enemies, This army, commanded by the dukes of Somerset and Exeter, comprised the flower of the northern nobility and warriors; among whom was John lord Clifford, a man of sanguinary disposition, whose father had been slain at the battle of St. Albans, and the son had been engaged in the civil wars from his earliest youth. The duke, informed of  the queen's appearance in the north, hastened thither with a force of 5,000 men, to suppress, as he imagined, the beginnings of an insurrection; when on his arrival near Wakefield, he found his small force outnumbered four to one. Seeing which he shut himself and army up in the castle of Sandal, until his son, the earl of March, who was levying forces on the borders of Wales, could advance to his assistance. Had he maintained this prudent resolution, or retreated to join his son, he had been safe; but he was one, "Whose warlike ears could never brook retreat."
And full to overflowing of the spirit of chivalry, could not endure the taunts and insults of his enemies, who attempted by all means to induce him to quit his strong hold; observing that it was disgraceful in a man who aspired to a crown, to suffer himself to be shut up by a woman. The duke on this occasion suffered his courage to get the better .of his prudence, and observant of the extravagancies of chivalry, challenged the, queen's generals to appoint a day for the battle. On the 24th December, 1460, nothing doubting of success, he issued from the castle with his handful of men, and descended into the plain between the fortress and Wakefield bridge: the main body of the enemy being posted in his front, which from imperfect,
information he took for their whole army. Ambuscades having been previously laid under the earl of Wiltshire and lord Clifford, for enclosing his army as soon as. it should reach the plain; one of which we may suppose, was hid from view by elevated ground, opposite the town of Wakefield, close to the bank of the Calder; the other, by the village of Sandal. The duke fell upon the main body with his usual spirit, and while closely engaged with it, the ambuscade . rising on both sides, surrounded. his little band, and cut off its retreat to the castle. Being thus environed on every side, "like fish. in a net, or deer in a buckstall," retreat being impossible, after a desperate fight of half an hour, his army was routed, or rather massacred upon the place, as much by the strategy as the bravery of their enemies. .After a close hand to hand encounter, the duke himself was slain, and along with him his trusty friends, Sir John and Sir Hugh Mortimer, Sir David Hall, Sir Hugh Hastings, Sir Thomas Neville, William and Thomas Aparre, and 2,800 of his men. Now was shown one of those shocking and disgusting exhibitions which civil wars, and they only can produce:- while the battle was raging, the earl of Rutland, son to the duke of York, a youth of seventeen years, "a fair gentleman and maidenlike person," was conveyed by his tutor, a priest called Robert Aspall, out of the field, and in endeavouring to enter the town, they fell among a body of lord Clifford's men. and before they could gain the shelter of a house, the youth was espied by Clifford, followed, and taken, who seeing his rank from his appearance, demanded who he was; the terrified youth could not utter a word, but kneeling down implored mercy, "both by holding up his hands and making dolorous countenance, for his speech was gone from fear." "Save him," said his tutor, "for he is a prince's son, and peradventure may do you good hereafter." With that word the lord Clifford marked him, and said, "By God's blood, thy father slew mine, and so will I thee and all thy kin !" and with that word struck the earl to the heart with his dagger, and bade the tutor bear word to his mother and brothers, what he had said and done.

This ferocious piece of bloody revenge was the beginning of a series of sanguinary retaliations, which made those scenes of civil butchery dreadful. This" bloody Clifford; and cruel child-killer," not content with this piece of dastard murder, came to the place where the dead body of the duke lay, and caused the head to be struck off, then setting upon it a crown of paper, and fixing it upon a pole, presented it to the queen with great exultation, saying, "Madame, your war is done, here is your king's ransom." "At which spectacle," says Hall, "was much joy, and great rejoicing; but many laughed then, that sore lamented after, as the queen herself and her son, and many were glad of other men's deaths, not knowing that their own were so near at hand, as the lord Clifford and, others. :But surely man's nature is so frail that things passed, be soon: forgotten, and mischiefs to come be not foreseen."
There is another version: of the circumstances attending the duke's death, which is thus given by Hollingshead;
"Some write that the duke was taken alive, and in derision caused to stand upon a molehill; on whose head they put a garland instead of a crown, which they had fashioned and made of segges or bulrushes, and having so crowned him with the garland, they kneeled down afore him, as the Jews did to Christ in scorn, saying to him, 'Hail king without rule! Hail king without heritage! Hail duke and prince without people or possessions!' and at length having thus scorned him with these and divers other the like de spiteful words, they struck off his head, which (as ye have heard) they presented to the queen.". The earl of Salisbury was taken prisoner in this battle with others of the nobility, and were shortly after, by command of Margaret, beheaded at Pontefract Castle, and their heads, along with that of the duke, fixed upon poles, and placed over the gates of York. A cruel measure, which was .soon afterwards as cruelly revenged.
The duke, when slain, was in the 50th year of his age; he was greatly and justly lamented by his party; his personal courage and conduct in the field were such as to command the respect of all: if in the last" fatal battle" he showed a deficiency of prudence, it was more in obedience to the chivalric spirit of his age, than his own want of military experience; his moderation in the use of the many victories gained over his enemies, is a proof of the mildness of his character,: had he boldly pushed his claim to the crown, and improved all the advantages that success put into his power, he might have seated, himself securely on the throne: even the errors of his conduct are such as to render him more an object of esteem and affection, than of hatred and contempt. Contrasted with any other character of these unhappy civil wars, he shines pre-eminent for humanity and general rectitude of conduct; compared with the imbecility of Henry, and the sanguinary cruelty of the unfeminine Margaret, his character will appear in a more advantageous and amiable light. His wife was Cicely, daughter of Ralph Neville, first earl of Westmoreland, by whom he had eight sons and four daughters; his eldest son, Henry, died young; his second son, Edward, earl of March, succeeded his father as duke of York, and was afterwards king of England; his third son was Edmund, earl of Rutland, slain at the same time as his father; John, Thomas, William, and one of his daughters died young; the seventh son was George, afterwards duke of Clarence; the youngest was Richard, subsequently duke of Gloucester, and king of England. The surviving daughters were Ann, Elizabeth, and Margaret.
Judging from appearances, the results of this battle were the most decisive that could be wished for; nothing but the entire prostration of the one party and the complete triumph of the other could be predicted from it. The death of the duke seemed a deadly blow which his party could not be expected to survive. nut, so deceptiye sometimes are appearances, that what seemed the destruc- tion of the claim of the house of York, proved the cause of its ultimate success; the scrupulous Richard was suc- ceeded in his title and claims by his son Edward, who had been early trained to civil war and bloodshed; who enter- tained none of his father's scruples, while he was fully his equal in courage and ability; and after the example set by the other party, was unsparing and deadly in his revenge, and in a short time hurled the weak Henry from the throne, and seated himself in his place.
The ground on which the battle was fought is rather uneven, or, as old Leland calls it, "clyving;" its surface rising into gentle swells, but of such easy ascent as not to impede the movements of an army; lying directly south of the town of Wakefield, and sloping irregularly down from Sandal Castle to Wakefield bridge, having the river Calder on. one side and the village of Sandal on the other. The spot where the duke fell is yet pointed out by the villagers as close to the old road from Wakefield to Barnsley, a little above the toll bar, about a mile from Wakefield bridge, in a hollow piece of wettish ground, near two large willow trees. Tradition. says the trees were there at the time of the battle; though this may be giving them too long a term of life, they bear undoubted marks of hoar antiquity about them; being large and much decayed, a great part of one of them having long since returned to dust, though some branches yet grow vigorously from one side; the other is quite entire, hollow, and many of the branches quite dead, the living mixed with the withered and lifeless wood gives it quite a picturesque appearance.' From the tenacity of life in the willow, and their moist situation, they are calculated to endure for some ages yet.
They are looked upon with reverence, and shown with great pleasure by the inhabitants.* (A common expression of the country people to each other, when anyone has occasion to go down the lane in the dark, past the spot where the duke fell is, "Mind th' duke o'York, without his head, doesn't git hodo'' thi', as th' gans by th' willo' trees." Whether the duke ever made his appearance without that necessary appendage, the head, we are not so well informed; but from the nature of the soil, it would be a fit place to find the" segges or bulrushes of which his mock crown was formed.)

Of Sandal Castle, the place from which the duke issued to find his death, few and meagre are the remains, what from the destroying hand of man, and the mouldering effects of time, the fortress has disappeared, and a diminutive ruin marks the place where it stood. No lofty' gateway-no grim and massive keep, with frowning battlements overlooks the vale below, no  remains of banqueting hall, where the feudal noble displayed his little less than regal splendour, are to be seen; all gone-all vanished. "No ivied arch, no pillar lone, Pleads haughtily for glories gone"

Some small fragments of grouted work, from which the outside face of hewn stone has been stripped remain, serving to show the thickness of the walls; while the whole space of ground on which the castle stood is covered with hillocks of rubbish. The moat which surrounded the whole when in its pristine strength, yet remains, wide and deep, in some place fifteen yards below the level of the rubbish mounds above; and true to its first purpose, parts of it yet contain water. The site is of a circular form, over- grown with grass, and partly with trees, some of the latter, especially near the bottom of the moat, being of great height and age. The situation is high, strong, and picturesque, commanding an extensive prospect over the surrounding country; the town of Wakefield, stretching out its full length, by east and west, is at the feet of the observer; over the vale of Calder, to the west, "the eye roams delighted," charmed with the scene, which is finely varied, and highly beautiful; the luxuriant landscape, studded at intervals with towns and villages, busy hives of manufacturing industry; the clothing district of York- shire begins here, occupying the upper part of the vale of the Calder, which is easily known by the tall chimnies of the factories. Sandal Castle was built in the reign of Edward II., by John, the eighth and last earl of Warren. To this earl Edward I. gave his granddaughter, Joan de Barr, in marriage; the union was without issue, and not a happy one. Both parties earnestly sued for a ,divorce, but the laws of the Church were uncompromising; it could not, however, prevent the earl from estranging himself from Joan, and she lived on a revenue derived from the Warren estates. Separated from his wife, he cohabited with one Maude de Nerford, a lady of rank in the county of Norfolk; and if either of his pleas, proximity of blood, or pre-contract with Maude, could have been allowed to enable him to have obtained a divorce from Joan, .Maude would have become countess of Warren. It was for this favourite mistress that the earl built Sandal Castle. The earl survived both the lady and the two sons she bore him, when his lands lying north of the Trent, reverted to the crown. In the reign of Edward III, Edward Baliol, pretender to the crown of Scotland resided here, while an army was raised to establish him on the throne. Richard, duke of York, entered into possession of the manor of Wakefield, and castle of Sandal, in 1446, on the death of the countess of Cambridge. It was for some time the residence of his son Richard, duke of Gloucester. The castle, from its first erection to its destruction, was used as the court or manor house of this extensive fee. The Saviles, of Thornhill, in whom the office of steward was hereditary, while the manor was in the hands of the crown, occasionally resided, and always transacted the business of the courts here.
The last siege sustained by this castle was during the civil wars of Charles l.'s time; when it was held by colonel Bonivant for the king, and surrendered to the arms of parliament, in October, 1645. In the following year, in accordance with the orders of parliament, it was dis-mantled; and the monument of earl Warren's love for Maude Nerford became a heap of rubbish.
The town of Wakefield ranks among the most opulent and interesting-in the county; being of Saxon, if not of Roman foundation; and having borne a share in nearly all the events that have taken place within the county; of the West-Riding division of which it is the capital; the election of knights of the shire being always made here: the county prison, lunatic asylum, and law courts for 'the same division are also all situate here. The town is large, placed in a delightful situation, on a gently rising ground, on the north bank of the Calder. The streets, for the most part, are spacious, handsome, and regular; the houses are mostly of brick, and a few specimens of the picturesque timber buildings of the middle ages are yet to be seen. The parish church is a large and elegant structure. The county asylum stands in a fine, airy, and commanding situation on the north of the town. The prison is a large dreary looking place on the outside, and we should suppose the interior will be much the same. The Corn Exchange is possessed of a fine front, and accommodates one of the largest corn markets in the north of England. The Calder is navigable by artificial means, and a great source of wealth to the town. The Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway is carried by a viaduct over the streets and above the houses. Immense quantities of corn are here manufactured into flour, the mills for which purpose, near the river, are of great bulk. The bridge across the river is a substantial structure of nine .arches. The chapel upon it, is a gem of architectural beauty, ,unsurpassed, if equalled, by any similar building in England, and to some will form the chief attraction of the town. To attempt any description of its richly ornamented front would be useless, as the pencil of the artist can alone give an adequate view of its beauties. It has been recently renovated, and now stands forth, challenging admiration, with its rich variety of sculpture, as fresh and elegant as when it came first from the builder's hand. It is said by some to have been built by Edward IV., and two chantry priests placed in it, to pray for the souls of his father, brother, and others who fell in the battle. Others say it was of the foundation of the townsmen, and only further endowed and beautified by Edward. At any rate it is a building of which the inhabitants of Wakefield have good right to be proud. The country around is rich, beautiful, and highly interesting, as well from its present state, as its past history and associations.

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Yorkshire Battles Edward Lamplough 1891

THE BATTLE OF SANDAL.

A.D. 1460.
ALTHOUGH Henry VI. was beloved by his subjects, he was subjected to the vicissitudes of the Wars of the Roses. His Queen, Margaret of Anjou, was unpopular with the people, her favourite minister, William De la Pole, was hated of the nobles, and nobles and commons were alike exasperated by the loss of the French possessions. Richard, Duke of York, a brave soldier, and popular with the people, was the lineal heir to the throne, and he was determined to assert his claim. The first battle was fought at St. Albans, on the 23rd May, 1455. The royalists maintained the town, being commanded by Lord Clifford, the Dukes of Buckingham and Somerset, and the Earls of Northumberland and Stafford. York fiercely attacked, being supported by Norfolk, Salisbury and Warwick. The Northern archers poured their shafts into the town, and inflicted great slaughter, and the Earl of Warwick, "seizing his opportunity, moved to the garden side of the town, and attacking it at the weakest side, forced the barriers." A desperate conflict ensued, Somerset, Northumberland, and Clifford were slain, and King Henry, Stafford, Buckingham, and Dudley were wounded by arrows. Abbot Wethemstede states that he saw, "here one lying with his brains dashed out, here another without his arm; some with arrows sticking in their throats. others pierced in their chests."
The King was defeated and captured, and the Yorkists divided the government. The Duke was created Constable of the Kingdom, Salisbury Lord Chancellor, and Warwick governor of Calais.
Each party watched the other, and the pious King attempted to reconcile the leaders in 1458, when they went in solemn procession to St. Paul's, the Duke of York leading the Queen, and the opposing barons being paired accordingly. A few weeks later, and Warwick fled into Yorkshire, the two factions being put into opposition by a brawl between the servants of Warwick and Queen Margaret.
In September, 1459, the Yorkists were again in arms, and Salisbury, feigning to fly before Lord Audley and the royalists, turned upon them as they were crossing a brook on Bloreheath, and bore them down with lance and bill. The conflict was somewhat desultory, and lasted five hours, the victory remaining with the Yorkists. Lord Audley was slain, and with him 2,400 men, including the good knights Thomas Dutton, John Dunne, Hugh Venables, Richard Molineaux, and John Leigh.
Henry and York met at Ludlow, when Sir Andrew Trollop carried his command over to the King, and the Yorkists, panic-stricken by this defection, dispersed.
The Duchess of York, and two of her sons, fell into Henry's hands, and was sent to her sister, Anne, Duchess of Buckingham. At Coventry, November 20th, Parliament attainted and confiscated the estates of "the duke of York, the earl of March, the duke of Rutland, the earl of Warwick, the earl of Salisbury. the lord Powis, the lord Clinton, the countess of Salisbury, sir Thomas Neville, sir John Neville, sir Thomas Harrington, sir Thomas Parr, sir John Conyers, sir John Wenlock, sir William Oldhall, Edward Bourchier, sq., and his brother, Thomas Vaughan, Thomas Colt, Thomas Clay. John Dinham,
Thomas Moring, John Otter, Master Richard Fisher, Hastings, and others." On the sub- mission of Lord Powis he received the King's grace, but lost his goods.
Warwick, March, and Salisbury fled to Calais, and Somerset, the newly-appointed governor, proceeded to attempt the reduction of the fortress; but, by a clever counter-stroke, Warwick captured the fleet, Lord Rivers and his son being surprised before they could leave their bed. Rivers "was brought to Calais, and before the lords, with eight-score torches, and there my lord Salisbury rated him, calling him' knave's son, that he should be so rude to call him and these other lords traitors; for they should be found the King's true liege-men, when he would be found a traitor.' And my lord Warwick rated him, and said, 'that his father was but a squire, and brought up with King Henry V., and since made himself by marriage, and also made a lord; and that it was not his part to hold such a language to lords, being of the king's blood.' And my lord March rated him likewise. And Sir Anthony was rated for his language of all the three lords in likewise." A notable scene, and picturesque: making easy the mental transition to a later period, when these fierce lords called for block and headsmen, and their prisoners made short shrift. Indeed the period was very near. Osbert Mountford, despatched to reinforce Somerset, was captured at Sandwich, carried to Calais, and beheaded on the 25th June, 1460.
On the 5th June Salisbury and Warwick landed at Sandwich, and reached London with 25,000 men arrayed under their banners. Margaret strove to shut them out of the city, but in vain; and Lord Scales discharged the Tower guns against them.
On the 19th of July the two armies engaged at Northampton. Margaret, with a strong escort, watched the conflict with the keenest anxiety. The heavy rains rendered the King's artillery inoperative, yet, after five hours of sanguinary fighting, the battle was decided by the treachery of Lord Grey, of Ruthin, who carried his command over to the Yorkists.
King Henry was captured, and carried, in honourable captivity, to London. Margaret fled to Scotland, accompanied by Somerset and the young Prince of Wales.
Richard of York entered London, appeared before the peers, and advanced to the throne.
placing his hand upon the canopy. This mute claim was received in silence, that was broken by the Archbishop of Canterbury, as he enquired whether the Duke would not wait upon the King. York haughtily replied, "I know of none in this realm than ought not rather to wait upon me," and turning his back upon the peers, retired.
It was admitted by the lords that Richard was the lineal heir to the throne, but Parliament had elected Henry IV. to the crown, Henry V. had succeeded, and his son, the present King, had been accepted by the lords and commons, and, but for the ambition of York, his title would have remained unquestioned. The peers passed over the claims of the young Prince of Wales, and decided that the King should retain the crown, but that, on his death, York and his heirs should inherit it.
Margaret was immediately summoned to London, and prepared for the journey by raising her standard. Before she appeared upon the scene the battle of Sandal was fought.
The Yorkists now freely dipped their hands in blood. Lords Hungerford and Scales were allowed to pass out of the Tower free men, but the soldiers and officers had" to abide by the law." Lord Scales was murdered within the week by mariners serving Warwick and March. He was seen" lying naked in the cemetery of the church of St. Mary Overy, in Southwark. He had lain naked, being stripped of his clothes, for several hours on the ground, but afterwards on the same day he was honourably interred by the earls of March, Warwick, and others," In the same month, July, Sir Thomas Blount, of Kent, with five others of the household of the Duke of Exeter, were accused before" the Earl of Warwick and the other justiciaries of the King, of illegally holding the Tower," and "were drawn to Tyburn and beheaded, and shortly afterwards John Archer, who was in the councils of the duke of Exeter, .shared the same fate."
Duke Richard was declared heir-apparent on the 9th of November, with the present title of Lord Protector, and an allowance of £10,000 to maintain the dignity. The Yorkshire royalists were in arms, and" had destroyed the retainers and tenants of the Duke of York and Earl of Salisbury." Salisbury and York immediately marched for the North.
Their vanguard struck Somerset's army at Worksop, and was cut off on the 21st December York occupied his Castle of Sandal. His army consisted of 6,000 men, too few to cope with the enemy lying at Pontefract under Somerset and Northumberland. The Duke might have maintained the defensive until the Earl of
March came up from the Welsh borders, but on the 30th of December he sallied out to rescue a foraging party from the Lancastrians. With so numerous an army to feed, and in a position so remote from succour, Richard might reasonably risk something to protect his foragers.
Vainly Sir David Hall argued against so perilous an adventure. The drawbridge was lowered. and York's banner was given to the wintry wind. It bore for device a Falcon vo/ant, argent, with a fetter-lock, or. The bird was depicted in the effort of opening the lock, typical of the crown.
Behind the falcon-banner marched 4,000 veterans. With the Duke there rode to his last battle, Salisbury and the good knights, Thomas Nevill, David Hall, John Parr, John and Hugh Mortimer, WaIter Limbrike, John Gedding, Eustace Wentworth, Guy Harrington, and other notable men-at-arms.
Raising the war-cry of York, and sounding trumpets, they charged through the drifting snow-flakes, and awoke the fury of the battle. The Duke was out-numbered and surrounded, but fought stubbornly, being nobly seconded by his heroic army. Lord Clifford hotly attacked him, exerting every effort to cut off his retreat. Duke Richard valiantly attempted to cut his way through and retire into Sandal, but Clifford as sternly drew around him the iron bonds of war, prevented all retreat, and held him to the trial. The battle was extremely sanguinary, and the Lancastrians fought as though they were the red-handed arbiters of the whole dispute, and, like avenging angels, must wash out the treason of York in streams of blood. As Montfort fought at Evesham so fought the Lord Protector that day-exacting the heaviest price for his doomed life. Weapons whirled before his face, rang on his mail, and probed the jointed armour with point and edge until the good steel harness was dinted and stained with gore. Many warriors perished around him, and he, too, fell, sorely stricken, and died in his blood, amid the tramp- ling of iron-clad feet, and the clash of crossing swords, as friends and foes fought hand-to-hand above his body. The crisis came. The falcon- banner fell, and the pursuing swords maimed and slew the fugitives, burdening the old year with the sorrows of the widow and the orphan. In the triumphant van, in the moment of victory, Richard Hanson, Mayor of Hull, laid down his life for Queen Margaret and her fair son. Salisbury won his way through the press, to fall by headsman's axe. Rutland broke away from the slaughter, reached Wakefield Bridge, to perish by the steel of Clifford, happy in his early death that saved him from the infamy of bloody years that tarnished the fame of his brothers, March, Clarence, and Gloucester.
Some chroniclers represent the Queen as commanding her army in person, and as luring the Duke to meet her in open field. Dissuaded from the encounter by his friends, he declared that: "All men would cry wonder, and report dishonour, that a woman had made a dastard of me, whom no man could even to this day report as a coward! And surely my mind is rather to die with honour than to live with shame! Advance my banners in the name of God and of St. George." This is not the York of history. Rutland is represented as a boy, aged twelve years, a spectator, not a combatant, and accompanied by his tutor, Aspall. Clifford overtook him, and demanded his name. " The young gentleman dismayed, had not a word to speak, but kneeled on his knees, craving mercy and desiring grace, both with holding up his hands and making a dolorous countenance-for his speech was gone for fear." "Save him," cried Aspall, "he is a prince's son, and peradventure may do you good hereafter." Said Clifford, "By God's blood thy father slew mine, and so will I thee and all thy kin," and so smote him to the heart with his dagger, and bade the chaplain, "Go, bear him to his mother, and tell her what thou hast seen and heard." Doubtless Clifford was as red-handed a sinner as any of the barons, but probably no worse. He is said to have cut off the Duke's head, crowned it with paper, and carried it upon a pole to the Queen, exclaiming, "Madam, your war is done: here I bring your King's ransom."
Such are some popular errors, perpetuated by historians who have followed the romantic versions of Grafton and Hall. Margaret did not lure York to his fate, for she was in Scotland when the battle was fought, and he did not sally out to fight a battle, but to rescue his foragers. The execution of Yorkist prisoners was simply a retaliation for the treason and blood-guiltiness of the Yorkists, and was carried out without the Queen's knowledge. Clifford may have vowed to avenge his father's death upon the house of York, and Rutland may have fallen to his sword: but the duke was in his eighteenth year, and no doubt an approved man-at-arms. As recorded, he had been attainted of treason a few months prior to his death. We may safely conclude that there were no school-boys on Wakefield-Green on the 30th of December, 1460, and the only tutors there were tutors in arms.
WiIIiam of Wyrcester's account of the battle may be considered the most probable, and best authenticated :-" The followers of the Duke of York, having gone out to forage for provisions on the 29th of December. a dreadful battle was fought at Wakefield between the Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland and Lord NeviIIe, and the adverse party. when the Duke of York, Thomas NeviIIe, son of the Earl of Salisbury, Thomas Harrington, Thomas Parr, Edward Bourchier, James Pykering, and Henry Rathforde, with many other knights and squires, and soldiers to the amount of two thousand, were slain in the field. After the battle, Lord Clifford slew the young Earl of Rutland, the son of the Duke of York, as he was fleeing across the bridge at Wakefield; and in the same night the Earl of Salisbury was captured by a follower of Sir And. Trollope, and on the morrow beheaded by the Bastard of Exeter at Pontefract, where at the same time the dead bodies of York, Rutland, and others of note who fell in the battle, were decapitated, and their heads affixed in various parts of York, whilst a paper crown was placed in derision on the head of the Duke of  York." Thus perished Duke Richard in his fiftieth year.
Edward, Earl of March, Richard's eldest son, was at Gloucester when the news reached him of the disaster before Sandal Castle. He promptly advanced his army to intercept the Lancastrians, and dispute their advance upon the capital. Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, harassed his rear with a tumultuary army of Welsh and Irish troops. Marching to engage an army, and alarmed by a powerful enemy in the rear, was too critical a position for Edward not to appreciate its danger. On the 2nd of February, 1461, he turned furiously upon the enemy, at Mortimer's Cross, Herefordshire, and defeated Pembroke with a loss of 3,800 men.

At Hereford Edward halted, and handed over to the headsman Owen Tudor, Sir John Throckmorton, and eight of the Lancastrian captains-- the captives of his sword and lance at Mortimer's Cross.
London threw open its gates to the victor on the 4th of March, and he was proclaimed King, under the title of Edward IV.

Ferrybridge

The start of the bloodiest fracas in known British history (The Battle of Towton 1461).........this previous-day's slaughter - large in it's own right - has the seemingly, usual confusing catalogue of reports.

These are part of on-going present research - we will report as the story unfolds.....

Towton 1461`

The Battle of Towton took place two miles north of Sherburn-in-Elmet and five miles south of Tadcaster.

Edward IV  Duke of York

(Artwork by Roel Renmans)

Towton was Britain's bloodiest-ever recorded battle.

Towton - Alex Handley 2002 Photographer

Edmund Bogg's description from his "The Old Kingdom of Elmet" 1902

  TOWTON AND SAXTON.
THE STORY OF A FAMOUS FIGHT.

Returning to Lede by way of Newstead (situated half a mile west of the beck, where also is the old stead and signs of early occupation, a unique moated site very indicative of a long history) we now follow
the beck to the old mill, known as Lead Mill, although standing in the parish of Saxton.
A twelfth-century deed of Robert Patefin, lord of Towton, Roger Berkin and Alice his wife (whose first husband was Roger Paytefin), grants them all the town of Towton, yet so that the men of Towton, as they were wont to do, should grind at Paytefin’s Mill of Saxton, saving to Roger and Alice, his wife, the “ multure of their house quit,” for all the life of the same Alice.
In the reign of Edward I. Alice de Laci gave to Margaret Kirkton (daughter of Alexander de Kirkton, sheriff of Yorkshire), her damsel and a great favourite, the bodies amid lands (holden in villeiiiage) of Ralph Brown and George Saxton, both of Lede. The grant says: “I, Alice Laci, have given to Margaret Kirkton, my mayd servant, my manor of Saxton and five score and two acres of arable land in Saxton, wherof twenty acres lie in a place called Towton-dale, and two ‘placeas’ of pasture lying at Mayden castell, and the mill of Lede. Witnesses: Sir William Vavasour, Richard Tyas, John Reygate, Gilbert Singleton.”
The mill formerly stood further down the beck near to where the bridge crosses the stream, and close by the south shoulder of Mayden Castle Wood.
A breath of antiquity surrounds this old mill. The interior, musty and cobwebbed, seems to groan and creak with the labours and cares of number-less years. It still retains, dented and crumbled with time, the old multure board, although the custom is now obsolete.
We are now merging on the western fringe of the great battlefield of Towton A mile or so down the beck from Lede, which hitherto, in many sweeping curves, has run in an easterly direction, here bends more to the north under the dark shadow of Castle Hill and Renshaw Wood, winding through a deep, silent vale, sombre and melancholy as if reflecting on the tragedy of the past. Here can be seen the solitary heron and other wild fowl, a thousand sights in animal and vegetable life arrest our attention, the cry and splash of startled water-hens amongst the rushes. In the hedgerow bloom the bramble and sweet wild-rose from which now and again flits the sportive butterfly. All is strangely quiet in this isolated spot except the hum of insects passing to and fro, the gentle flow of the rivulet, murmuring over slight obstruction, the song of the lark rising higher and higher, and the soft cooing of the ringdove. What a contrast is this quiet spot to the noisy hum of our large towns! Here, a deep and silent vale, through which the ever-restless streamlet laves its course, the scene enclosed by woods and hills; above, the glorious sky and fleecy clouds, and the bright sun smiling down on the peaceful vale. Yet on this spot a tragedy fateful to England was enacted. The dale resounding with the awful clang of arms, the shriek and tumult of men in deadly combat. On the plateau above, a most fearful battle was fought between Englishmen, which, for the dire struggle, carnage, and numbers slain, mark it as one, if not the greatest fight ever witnessed on English soil.

THE DAY BEFORE THE BATTLE.
On the Saturday morning, 28th of March, preceding the battle, the Lancastrian army was moving southwards towards Towton. The Yorkists, under the personal command of Edward and Warwick, were encamped at Ponitefract, from whence Lord Fitz-Walter, with a body of picked troops, had been despatched to guard the ford at Ferrybridge, the only available crossing place in the district.
News of this detachment coming to the knowledge of Lord Clifford (the bloody Clifford), he, in the early hours of the following morning (Saturday), in charge of the men of Craven, fell like a thunderbolt on the advanced guard holding the ford. Fitz-Walter, hearing the tumult, leaped from his bed, seizing the first available weapon, rushed into the conflict, only to be slain with nearly all his men. It was at this juncture of affairs when the news of this defeat and capture of the ford by Clifford reached Edward and Warwick. The latter is said to have leaped from his saddle, and, stabbing his charger with his sword, said, “Let him flee that will, for surely I will tarry with him that will tarry with me; “then, holding up the reeking sword by the blade, he kissed the cross formed by the handle.
An attempt to dislodge Clifford at the ford being of no avail, a detachment crossed three miles higher up the Aire, at Castleford, to cut off Clifford from the main body of Lancastrians. Perceiving the ruse, he, however, fell back towards Towton but not sharp enough to elude the advanced guard of the Yorkists who probably pushed forward by the old Roman way, and over Hook Moor, reaching Dintingdale, a small valley running between Saxton and the Ferrybridge and York Road, the way by which Clifford and his staunch men of Craven were retreating. There, in the little valley, a smart skirmish took place; Clifford and the yeomen of the west fought bravely against overpowering numbers; their fate, however, was sealed:
few escaped to tell the story of disaster. Clifford, we are told, had taken off his gorget to relieve pressure, and so was slain, pierced in the throat by a headless arrow.

Late on that Saturday, the whole human machinery of war and destruction was in motion, and, in the cold dusk of a March evening, settled down almost within sight and hearing of each other, the lurid flame of watch fires gleaming in the evening sky. The Yorkists occupied the high ridge of land immediately south of Saxton, stretching from Scarthingwell towards the Cock at the ‘Crooked Billet.’ The Lancastrian divisions occupied the high land immediately around Towton, having about two miles of front, the left wing spreading south-east of Towton, the right feaching from Towton half a mile or more west, to where the land falls sharply down into the swamp of the Cock at Renshaw Wood, with an out post to guard the right flank at Castle Hill (the site of Mayden Castle) a few hundred yards nearer Lead Mill. Thus was the disposition of the two armies within sight and hearing of each other, on that fatal eve, the prelude to the carnage and death of the morrow’s fight.

               BATTLE OF TOWTON FIELD.
This battle took place on the morning of Palm Sunday, 1461. The Sabbath had only just broken into day, which found the two armies, composed of the best and bravest of England’s sons, ready for the coming fight. As they came in full sight of each other they “rent the air with a mighty shout,” the challenge and defiance to mortal combat.
The morning was wild and stormy, the heavens overcast, the fierce March wind driving a blinding snowstorm full into the faces of the Lancastrians. The Yorkists, quickly taking advantage of the storm, advanced and sent many furious showers of arrows from their strong bows full into the ranks of the enemy, causing fearful havoc at the first onset. The arrows were shot from the rising ground, after which the archers retired a few paces into the hollow until the enemy had emptied their quivers. The snowstorm blowing into the faces of the Lancastrians prevented them from seeing this manoeuvre; in turn, their arrows, flying fast and thick against a foe they could not see, fell short of the mark. Several times Edward’s archers advanced, each time speeding their arrows full into the faces of their foemen, causing great confusion.’
( During the Middle Ages, the long bow wielded by sturdy English yeomen proved a terrible weapon of war. On the battlefield of Crecy and Poitiers the English archers won imperishable fame and renown, speeding their cloth yard shaft with a swiftness and force hitherto unknown)

Nearer and nearer gradually crept the hosts of death. The Lancastrians, perceiving their disadvantage, rushed through the blinding hail and storm of arrows and smote their foes with sword, pike, battleaxe, and bill; and so, nearly the whole of that Sabbath day the battle raged. The huge mass of struggling humanity fought like demons ; many times during this fatal day did the fortune of war hang in the balance, sometimes the white rose trembling, then the red; “men fought as if the battle was the Gate of Paradise.”
For ten hours,” says one historian, “the conflict raged with uncertain
result; “ compared by Shakespeare to the tide of a mighty sea, contending
with a strong opposing wind.
The tide of battle at last set against the House of Lancaster by the arrival of five thousand fresh Yorkist troops. No quarter had been given at the battle of Wakefield where the black-faced Clifford, in cold blood, slew the innocent Rutland ; now at Towton Edward commanded that no quarter should be given, and only too well were his orders carried out, for at eventide, upwards. of thirty-thousand of the bravest and noblest of England’s sons lay dead or dying on the ghastly field.
The wreck of the vanquished army fled north-west ; across their path ran the little River Cock, into whose waters many fell, never to rise again. Dire was the confusion at the bridge, which was choked by a mass of struggling humanity, and which at length gave way beneath the pressure. Over a bridge of bodies fled the remnant of the Lancastrians. Not only at this spot, but for the space of two miles or more, the valley of the Cock became a veritable death-trap to the vanquished. Down the valley ran the blood of the slain, changing the waters of the rivulet and the Wharfe to crimson; even the brown waters of the Ouse, it is said, became tinged with human blood.
A stranger passing over this ground would see nothing to indicate that on this spot was fought the most fierce and deadly battle of ancient or modern times. A few mounds and depressions mark the place where many of the bravest of our land lie in their last sleep. It is said the titled slain are interred in the churchyards of the surrounding district, but with, I believe, a few exceptions, history is silent. No monument marks the site of battle, yet there is one beautiful memorial on the field which the villagers tell us cannot be effaced—above where the warrior sleeps, white and red roses bloom, emblems of the fatal feud. How they came thus is not known, but they do not grow well on other soil than that on which was poured out old England’s noblest blood.
“Oh, the red and white rose, upon Towton Moor it grows,
And red and white it blows upon that swarthe for evermore,

In memorial of the slaughter, when the red blood ran like water,

And the victors gave no quarter in the flight from Towton Moor.
“When the banners gay were beaming, and the steel cuirasses gleaming, And the martial music streaming o’er the wide and lonely heath; And many a heart was beating that dreamed not of retreating, Which, ere the sun was setting, lay still and cold in death.
When the snow that fell at morning lay as a type and warning, All stained and streaked with crimson, like the roses white and red, And filled each thirsty furrow with its token of the sorrow That wailed for many a morrow through the mansions of the dead.
Now for twice two hundred years, when the month of March appears,
All unchecked by plough or shears spring the roses red and white;
Nor can the hand of mortal close the subterranean portal
That gives to life immortal these emblems of the fight.
“And as if they were enchanted, not a flower may be transplanted From those fatal precincts haunted by the spirits of the slain For howe’er the root you cherish, it shall fade away and perish, When removed beyond the marish of Towton’s gory plain.”

I have somewhere heard it remarked that on one occasion the Iron Duke was asked, by an expert in war, what calculation he made at Waterloo for a retreat, in case of defeat; his answer was, “None !“ Be that as it may, it was thus with the leaders of the Lancastrians at Towton heath, other wise the carnage of that day would not have been nearly so appalling. Their position for fighting, on the high plateau, was even more advantageous than that of the Yorkists; but for the retreat of a large army in confusion, nothing could be more dangerous and deadly: it proved a veritable death-trap.
Immediately to the rear of their position and extending from the site of Mayden Castle, hard by Lead corn mill, to the outlying lands of Grimston (a distance of two miles or more), the ground drops abruptly down to the treacherous, oozy fen-banks of the River Cock, which, if insignificant, were not the less deadly, the latter not more than from seven to twelve feet across, easy enough for an agile man to jump, yet too wide for the vanquished to leap, laden with their armour and wearied with the exertion arid turmoil of the day’s fight. And even to this day the ground on either bank (in most places), for a hundred yards or more, is a dangerous morass, yet ten fold worse four hundred and fifty years ago, as at that period the length of the valley from Lead Mill to Stutton, or even lower, to where the beck joins the Wharfe, was one continuous mire and swamp, impossible to cross without becoming engulfed. The old Norman bridge which stood at the north-west corner of Renshaw Wood was, at that period, the only available crossing- place.

We make this statement so that the reader can understand the death trap awaiting the Lancastrians if the battle proved disastrous to their cause. The reader must also remember that the present good road from Towton to Tadcaster was not in existence until three centuries later. The old Norman track turned sharply to the left at Towton town end, passed down the precipitous slope on the north side of Renshaw Wood to Cock Bridge, climbed the opposite ridge, and thence along the west side of Stutton into Tadcaster; such was the ground the beaten army had to retreat by, exhausted. When broken all along the line, they turned and fled down the slippery bank into that sullen water-way of ignoble death: as we have already observed, it was a day of storm.

“So many of them fell into the Cock, as quite filled it up, and the Yorkists went over their backs in pursuit of their brethren . . . over thirty-six thousand Englishmen here fell a sacrifice for their fathers’ transgressions; and the wounds of which they died, being made by arrows, battleaxes, pike, and sword, would bleed profusely.”

With deep pathos, one old writer tells that ‘‘ All the while it snew,” presenting a conflicting element to fierce passions, burning in the hearts of the victors, to kill, without mercy or distinction, every fugitive in their path. The awful carnage which took place in the valley on this day will never be forgotten. The numbers who fell here, on the side of the Lancastrians, were, perhaps, equal to those who fell on the field of battle, with their faces to the foe.

W. Wheater from his "History of Sherburn & Cawood" - 1882

"The tactics of the battle have been lost, but some dim conception of them may be restored. It is said that the army of the Lancastrians occupied Tadcaster, awaiting approach of the Yorkists. On Saturday morning, 28th March, Lord Clifford - the bloody Clifford, the 'cruel child-killer' of Shakespeare - surprised the post at Ferrybridge, and there slew Lord Fitzwalter. Lord Fauconberg then forced the passage of the river Aire a few miles higher up the river - at Castleford - whereupon Clifford fell back, and the whole Lancastrian army took up its position for the final conflict. The chroniclers say that was at Dittingdale, or Dandingdale, near Towton ; the ordnance maps, the nature of the country, and military science, say that it was on the ridge above what might be then called Dittingdale, that the stand was made, across the great North Road at Saxton Grange.

It is assumed that numerically the army of The Lancastrians was the weaker. If the total number of 110,000 fighting men is to be taken I will give 50,000 to the Lancastrians and 60,000 to the Yorkists. Taking the usual number of 5000 infantry formed two deep to occupy a mile of front, but, although I do not know the ancient 'divisions of battle', it follows that with the fighting line, supports, and reserves, at least three lines must have been employed. But the organisation of a company of infantry of that period, composed of bowmen, and billmen, may have been on a three-deep, or even four-deep formation, and that would diminish the front line one third, or one half. Roughly speaking then, it may be said that an 'order of battle' in the days of archery would require some 25,000 men to a mile of front. If these assumptions be correct the Lancastrian army has occupied some two miles of front. That two miles is approximately obtained on the ground where the battle is said to have been fought. The ordnance maps shows a knoll called the 'Maiden Castle' - where the fight took place at Saxton Mill in Stephen's time - which has caused a deep bend in the course of the Cock towards the west ; and a corresponding hillock on the other side has produced a similar bend towards the east ; so that at that point north of 'Castle Hill' the course of the beck runs about parallel with the direction of the hill for three quarters of a mile. In 1461 the quantity of water spread over the surface of the land was much larger than at present, and the insignificant rivulet of the present day was then formidable. This position would therefore completely secure the right flank of the Lancastrians. And where would two miles of front take us to from that point? Right across the great North Road and to the woods east of Saxton Grange ; fragments of which woods, Patefield and Spetch woods, remain to the present day. It appears therefore that Percy,

'The great Lord of Northumberland,

Whose warlike ears could never brook retreat,'

there determined to stop the march of the Yorkists, who were then traversing the road that he had throttled.

Towton 1461

(Artwork kindly contributed by Roel Renmans )

There are still recognisable sites of tumuli on the field, one in rear of the left centre of the Lancastrian line between the lane leading from Saxton to Towton and the great north road ; the other in front of the right of the line down in the bottom, opposite "Low Lead," a good half mile south of the first, but still near to the road leading from Saxton to Towton. It is on these tumuli where grow the parti-coloured roses, red and white, of which the peasantry speak as emblems of the identity in body, duality in expression, of those who lie sleeping there. We may now perhaps possess the means of obtaining some insight into the fighting. The Yorkists, having learned the position of the Lancastrians, have deployed their columns coming up from the great north road on the afternoon and evening of Saturday the 28th, behind the village of Saxton. The two lines would thus be less than a mile apart, their watch fires distinctly visible from each camp, and when the outlying pickets were posted, the breadth of the neutral ground would scarcely exceed the flight of an arrow.

Artwork by Graham Turner

For more details on this great new painting and the purchasing of prints just click on the image and go to Grahams web site.

"Tadcaster and Environs"

Harry Speight 1903

ROUND ABOUT TOWTON.

Battle-axe or end of a pole-axe. Towton Field
TADCASTER, as I have before remarked, was always a point of great strategical importance in the old civil war times, and within a radius of about six miles of the town are the three memorable battle fields of Marston Moor, Bramham Moor, and Towton. The last- mentioned will always be known as the most disastrous and bloodiest battle ever fought on English ground. The battle took place on Palm Sunday, March 29th 1461, upon the then unenclosed land between the villages of Saxton and Towton, bounded on the west by the small river Cock, which enters the Wharfe at Kettleman Bridge, about a mile south of Tadcaster.

The important question to decide was whether Edward of York, representing the White Rose, or Henry of Lancaster, representing the Red Rose, should wear the crown of England, and upon that issue nearly 1oo,ooo men staked their lives and homes. Pike and battle-axe wrought terrible havoc on that day of carnage, when there fell, according to some authorities, at least 30,000 brave and stalwart Englishmen. The old English aristocracy was all but annihilated by this unhappy war. Great trenches were dug to receive the bodies of the slain (one of which is on the north side of Saxton churchyard, a few feet from the
wall), and occasionally during digging operations, bones and other remains are come upon. In 1789 a massive gold signet-ring was found while ploughing a field a Towton. Upon it was engraved a lion statant, gardant, with the motto: Now ys THUS. Four years later a fine gilt spur was discovered bearing the inscription: EN LOIAL
AMOUR TOUT MON COER. Subsequently a 15th century battle-axe was found in the river, a relic no doubt of the famous fight. The haft of oak was much decayed from long submergence in the water, otherwise the weapon was in almost perfect condition. It is now in the Duke of Northumberland’s museum at Alnwick Castle. By his Grace’s kindness I am enabled to present the accompanying view of it, from an excellent photograph specially taken for this work by Mr. Ruddock, of Alnwick. The blade measures 7 inches long from
point to point, and 4 inches wide. The haft (renewed) is 11 1/2 inches long. The country around Towton is very pleasant and there are several historic mansions, old churches, and other objects of interest to be noted. Hazlewood Hall, the old seat of the Vavasours, stands a short distance from the Roman road, about two miles north of Aberford. Towton Hall doubtless occupies the site of a manor-house which has existed here from the era of the Norman Conquest. From Towton the main road to Sherburn passes near to Scarthingwell Hall, formerly the property and seat of the late Lord Hawke, from whom it was purchased in 1848 by the Hon. Henry Constable Maxwell-Stuart, a younger brother of the late Lord Herries. Not far away is the historic village of Saxton with its venerable church, and near the junction of Saxton Lane with the Great North Road
is the stump of a wayside cross.

Artwork by Jim Goodwin.

After 544 years those who fell during the Battle of Towton finally have a memorial.

April 21st 2005 saw the memorial placed in Saxton churchyard over the site where those bodies found in 1996 at Towton Hall were buried.

The work begins with Steve Hines, the sculpture, on the right and his stonemason buddy digging the foundation site next to Lord Dacre's Tomb.

The result awaits the delivery of the monument.

6:00 pm witnesses a nervous sculpture

But the first part is at least mechanical.

From there on it is purely planks, rollers and manpower - up a grassy slope and with a 90 degree turn between two old tombs.

Until the one and a half ton piece is laid alongside its finally position and the concrete is slipped into the foundations.

Then it is more grunting and minor panic until it sits as it should.

A little more of the sculptured detail.

The memorial was officially unveiled on St. George's Day, Saturday 23rd April 2005 with local dignitaries, Towton Battlefield Society members, the Company of Palm Sunday in 15th century military garb, children of the local school and the vicar of the parish conducting the service.

Views from 'Dacre's Cross'

Rewriting the History of the Battle of Towton 1461

© John Davey 2002

Why should we even think that Towton’s history may need any rewriting? Well quite simply, the modern image of that battle has too many questions, all of which doubt the present-day ‘historical’ picture of that bloody event.

Let us first take a look at the supposedly cast-iron picture that is broadly presented to us today, at the beginning of this twenty first century. This basic view of the historical explanation of the battle tells us how the Lancastrian forces had to pull back from London to York where their main, basic support was to be found. Yorkist Edward advances himself northward from London gaining men as he goes and comes along to Pontefract Castle. He has the nearby crossing at Ferrybridge secured and prepares for the advance into ‘enemy’ territory.

The Lancastrian faction sends Lord Clifford rushing south to Ferrybridge from their powerbase at York while they move their equally immense forces south of Tadcaster to Towton to take up a strong position there upon the plateau north of Saxton. Lord Clifford successfully takes over the bridge at Ferrybridge and destroys it.

Lord Warwick slays his horse and tells anyone who wishes to leave to do so now. The Yorkists then cross the river upstream at Castleford, thus outflanking Clifford and causing him to retreat back north to the main Lancastrian force‘s position.

The Yorkists, foreseeing this possibility, send a detachment of mounted archers to ambush him at Dintingdale between Towton and Sherburn-in-Elmet, and he is killed. They then advance their main force to Dintingdale and Saxton and there take up their own position upon the plateau, with the woods to their left.

The next morning, Palm Sunday, the main battle begins. Yorkist Lord Fauconberg launches an arrow storm into the Lancastrians backed by a snowstorm and supporting wind. There is devastation within the Lancastrian ranks. The Lancastrians counter attack with foot soldiers up the slope which is on their right flank. The slaughter then begins that names the area ‘Bloody Meadow’ to this day.

The Lancastrians seemingly hid a detachment in the woods to the left of the Yorkist upon the previous day and these troops lunge upon the Yorkist lines at the same time.

The fight goes on most of the day until Yorkist Lord Norfolk, having repaired the crossing at Ferrybridge, comes onto the Lancastrian east flank with 6,000 fresh men.

The Lancastrians are pivoted and they panic. Their retreat is a massacre as they try to cross the flooded Cock Beck. It is a clear victory for Edward and the new Plantagenet regime takes the crown.

(artwork by Roel Redmans)

So what is wrong with this picture? Let us look at where it all seemed to come from. We have various Victorian writers who take up the story. The one who seems to have been adopted by modern writers is Leadman in 1891. He tells us of the Old London Road being the entry for the Lancastrians and of how Warwick made his speech about anyone wanting to leave at Pontefract after the Ferrybridge set back. He gives the starting lines as being upon the site that modern writers now have them.

Bogg almost copies this in the last years of that century and adds that the modern-day road did not exist until 300 years after the battle, though he indicates the battle was started in Dintingdale. Apart from that it is much the same and it has come down to us in that manner and style ever since. But what of other Victorian writers?

Langdale wrote his version in 1822, with no position given as to where battle commenced, with no reference to the Old London Road and no comment as to the speech.

Grainge was writing in 1854 and only mentions the battle positions as at Grimston. He gives no mention to Old London Road and puts the speech in the mouths of both Warwick and Edward at Pontefract.

1882 sees Wheater putting the starting lines at Dintingdale, no mention of any Old London Road and the speech down to Edward while upon the field.

In 1891 we have Lamplough placing the starting lines at Dintingdale and the speech being made by both Edward and Warwick at Pontefract, yet with no mention, again, of Old London Road.

Bulmers came out in 1892 but does not mention the Old London Road, nor the speech, nor the starting lines.

Speight went to press in 1903 with the starting lines between Saxton and Towton, but with no mention of the speech nor of Old London Road. Not very consistent.

What can we, in this 21st century, gather from these few articles of the mid 19th to early 20th Century and how should we compare them with today’s published view of the battle? There are quite a few views given of the battle and of that bloody day in these descriptions, but, little, if any, information as to where this information came from. Even then, most of this selection of ‘historic’ reports manage to contradict each other and differ, in no small part, with the picture that today’s supposed history tells us of this action.

Reading most of these articles, it has to be noted that the battle is not even initially set upon the plateau where modern day descriptions put it, but instead to the north and south of the slightly more southerly placed Dintingdale valley. Leadman, in 1891, tells the world of the importance of the track heading west out of Towton called ‘Old London Road’. This, as already noted, seems to have been picked up by Edmund Bogg a few years later. He very firmly states as to how this was the main northern entry to the battlefield site from Tadcaster due to no other road, such as today’s modern road line, having existed until some 300 years after the battle, which would mean the late 1700’s. Today’s views of the battle in many ways also seem to mirror Leadman’s and Bogg’s writings. Certainly Leadman's basics are still those portrayed today.

Is the Leadman and Bogg picture to be regarded as correct? Perhaps not, it certainly has no merit in any of the other written views of that period, but let yourself be the judge of that. First let us consider their ‘Old London Road’ as being the only highway from Towton to Tadcaster.

One map, which perhaps was the earliest one available to be used in forming Leadman’s and thus Bogg‘s articles, only show the local area as it was during that year 
This map, from that narrow period in time, was somewhat erroneously used by Leadman to conclude his ‘Old London Road’ comments and perhaps led to Bogg’s presumption about no other Tadcaster to Towton road until some 300 years after the battle. The map they may well have seen shows that the present day road line north from Towton finished just north of Grimston where the lane to Stutton links in, again at 90 degrees. This map was the work of one Mr. Jeffries, published in 1770. Our dear Victorian, Edmund Bogg was, however, most certainly, and totally wrong in saying that the present-day road line from Towton to Tadcaster was not available until the late 1700’s.

Jeffries Map 1770

But can we trust this map totally? The line of the London road from Grimston to Tadcaster is not shown - but neither is the main westerly road-route out of Tadcaster. See positions below.

Jeffries map does not show the line of the London road - but he also does not show the line of the road we see below in Bowen's road map of 1720. Seems he was, at best. a little lax in his detail.

If we may, let us now look a little further back than these Victorian writers could then see. They were not blessed with having today’s Internet and other forms of media to find and view extra evidence; the evidence that comes from the records of the other earlier maps of that self-same road dating back, as they do, as far as 1765, 1744 or 1720 and even to 1675. What do we find that these earlier maps now show us? The road maps from this earlier period cannot be viewed as perfectly as those of today. They were shown as long lines with side roads and towns marked upon them, ribbons almost, each of which came with a compass rose to show the direction in which each ribboned panel was heading. They were more of a route map than a district road map. A road map of this region by Cary in 1794 shows the road as it is today. It has continued so ever since so we are looking at a specific switch to the present road. But are we?

A route map published in Gentleman’s Magazine and dated 1765, which is five years before Jeffries, shows the same route we have today, with the milestones noted and details of all road junctions, major and minor, that were connecting to the main highway. It does not give any indication of an ‘Old London Road’ even existing at that time though.

Cowley’s Map of 1744 also shows a similar straight through roadway, though it’s detail is not clear enough for our argument.

The 1720 map of Mr. Lumby has similar details to 1765. This touring map again passes directly south out of Tadcaster and shows the side road link to Sutton, the present-day Stutton Road as already mentioned. It also shows the side road link to Ulleskelf, the side road link to Leeds- past today’s memorial cross, the side road to Fenton directly opposite, the roads to Saxton, Barkston, Huddlestone and many more very small country lanes as it continues further south. It does not even give today’s so-called Old London Road a mark nor a mention.

The 1675 map by John Ogilby shows that the road through Ferrybridge and Sherburn-in-Elmet comes up to Towton and then carries straight on as with today’s road line. It then crosses the Cock River at the stone bridge, which is now part of the south bound slip road of the Tadcaster By-pass, and carries on into Tadcaster. Grimston is specifically shown to the east of it and Stutton to the west. Virtually mirroring, once more, that of today’s road line. All side roads are marked but no indication of the Old London Road is given. A strange situation. This negates Bogg's claim to a 300 year gap between battle and modern road and it puts doubt on Old London Road even being part of the main York to London road in the past by not even thinking it worthy of a mention.
 

Ogilby's 1675 map - first Edition.

Magnified section showing Tadcaster-Ferrybridge Road crossing Cock River

Since there are no earlier local road maps on record then could it be perceived to mean that the present day road was not in use before 1675? Not really, it is just simply a fact that the map of 1675 was actually the first published map of this area that specifically showed the road lines, while any previous maps we know of today only showed the towns, villages and rivers.

Three maps by Gentleman‘s Magazine, and Mssrs. Lumby and Ogilby, herein mentioned, are drawn at one inch to the mile and, as stated, also show all the constructed milestones that were alongside the road. It would appear that these milestones and the self-same road line must have been already in place much earlier than that initial map of 1675 and most of the mile stones are, indeed, still there alongside the road today. The maps gave mileages from the stones that, to be accurate, must indicate the use of the exact line of the present-day road. These milestones go straight through Grimston Park, north of Towton and south of Tadcaster, on today’s road line. So was Jeffries totally wrong? There is always the other possibility that the Cock Bridge was down and awaiting repair and Old London Road was temporarily used as a by-pass.

But we do have the problems with Jeffries 1770 map shown above where he can totally miss out the Tadcaster to Leeds and Chester road - so was he as inaccurate with the Tadcaster-London road? Difficult to say but it matters not. We are looking at which route was the one used in 1461 and nothing points to Old London Road as anything more than a glitch in history - and that glitch was 300 years after the battle!


Despite that we will look at the layout of where the Old London Road meets the main road at Towton. It is a 90 degree connection and on the route from London to York we do not find any other 90 degree, not then, and not now. Mile after mile the London road heads north towards Towton, and from Ferrybridge upwards it winds north in a consistent width and form, all the way to Tadcaster. If the present historic view of the road line is accepted it supposedly turns onto the Old London Road, where it then changes from a main, wide, usable highway into a mere narrow track, which is less than a quarter of its previous consistent width. So does this Old London Road theory really add up in the whole scheme of things?

Added to all that is where the Old London Road has it’s crossing place over the Cock river. The slope of the road’s track upon the Towton side is much too steep for any sizeable or weighty cart to use and would make such heavy transport usage virtually impossible. Something that such a main highway would be most often used by. Such a steep slope would, anyway, show deep wear from heavy use and from erosion, and indeed the track leading up from the bridge towards Towton is quite deep with us